Summary

The article analyzes Argentine aerospace policy, examining its evolution and challenges in the context of the growing relevance of outer space. It reviews the international regulatory framework, highlighting the 1967 Space Treaty, and explores the implications of competition between space powers such as the United States (US) and China. The study makes a historical review of Argentine aerospace policies, from the allocation of orbital positions to the creation of Empresa Argentina de Soluciones Satelitales S.A. (ARSAT), highlighting the importance of technological autonomy and international cooperation for the development of the sector. It is argued that aerospace activity represents a crucial instrument to strengthen the country’s defense, national security and power projection.

Keywords: Argentine aerospace policy, outer space, sovereignty, ARSAT, CONAE, Argentine Aerospace Agency (CONAE)

Introduction

Scientific and technological advances, together with the need for expansion and leadership by central states and private companies, have given space an increasingly prominent place on the governmental agenda of various actors. These not only seek to take advantage of the benefits offered by this new field, but also to gain a competitive advantage over other international players. In this context, Argentina, despite being a country with a medium-sized economy and a peripheral position, has managed to develop an incipient but solid aerospace policy during the last two decades. Thanks to this policy, the country has gained access to the benefits of the space economy and has advanced in its technological autonomy, a process that requires consolidation and strengthening.

Within the framework of Argentina’s aerospace policy, the country has signed cooperation agreements for civil and peaceful purposes with both the U.S. and China, two powers engaged in a competition for scientific and technological supremacy that has extended to space and their bilateral relations with Argentina. This raises the need to examine the evolution of Argentine aerospace policy, its progress, internal challenges and the impact of its international relations on the development of the sector.

Outer Space: Regulations, Relevance and Dominance Aspirations

In 1967, the Space Treaty was established, which is considered the fundamental pillar of agreements regulating outer space activities. It stipulates that no element in this environment may be the object of national appropriation by claim of sovereignty, use or occupation. It does, however, permit exploration and exploitation for exclusively peaceful purposes. To date, 133 countries have adhered to this agreement.

In the military sphere, Article IV of the treaty establishes that the signatory states undertake not to place in Earth orbit objects carrying nuclear weapons or weapons of mass destruction or place such weapons on celestial bodies or in outer space in any form whatsoever. However, the regulation does not prohibit the installation of conventional weapons or the use of satellites for military purposes.

Since the mid-20th century, China, Russia and the US have competed for the conquest of space. Initially, satellites had scientific purposes, but over time some states identified their potential in the fields of telecommunications and military intelligence. In this context, the book “El poder militar terrestre, naval, aéreo y en el espacio” by defense specialists Josep Baqués and José Luis Calvo analyzes various applications of satellite systems:^[1]

• They act as electromagnetic signal repeaters, extending their range.
• They allow the observation of any surface by capturing images or electromagnetic emissions, since air sovereignty is limited to the atmosphere.
• They configure new space strategies in an open-access environment, subject to international limitations for military uses.
• They require significant investments and advanced knowledge for their launch, follow-up and monitoring.
• They are crucial for military operations in communications, intelligence and positioning.
• There are specific weapons developments designed for the destruction of satellites.

During the 21st century, major and emerging space powers have shown a growing interest in space, progressively increasing space investments and activities within their strategic economic, defense and national security planning. This has been achieved through cooperation with private actors. For example, there are currently a large number of satellites in orbit: the U.S. has 1,308; China has 356; multinational companies, 177; Russia, 167; Great Britain, 130; Japan, 78; India, 58; and Canada possesses 39. Regarding their use, they are distributed as follows: commercial, 1,440; governmental, 436; military, 139; mixed uses, 318; and civilian, 133.^[2]

Satellites have a wide range of applications, including land cadastre, land use management, hydrology, agriculture, forestry, urban planning, forest fire and flood monitoring, water quality, oil spill tracking, subsidence, insurance and risk analysis, environmental change monitoring, oceanography, meteorology, and military applications. The latter are particularly relevant, as future wars could begin on the Earth’s surface and extend into space, since much of modern military technology depends on orbiting satellites. In addition, satellites enable the simulation of real 3D scenarios, volcanological and seismic research, and environmental studies.

In examining this growing relevance, scholar Molina Dominguez argues that the competition for power, driven by the growing need for resources, is shifting again to space. If in the past the goal was to send man to the moon, today, possessing a robust space fleet means having dominance in the fifth possible war scenario-land, sea, air, cyberspace and outer space-especially if the latter is considered a promising new frontier.

In this sense, Molina Domínguez explains: “Currently, this race for power, together with the growing need for resources, is once again being transferred to the space orbit. If in the sixties the objective was the launch of man to the moon, nowadays, having a good space fleet means having hegemony in the fifth possible war scenario (land, sea, air, cyberspace and outer space), especially if this can be the new promised land”. Complementing this thought, he emphasizes: “Industrialized countries are increasingly dependent on their network of satellites, drones and space advances. For this reason, the space race is called to occupy a priority place on the agenda of anyone who aspires to guarantee their security and to be taken into account on the international scene”.

In this sense, Molina Domínguez argues that the race for power, driven by the growing need for resources, is once again shifting to space. In the past, the goal was to send man to the moon, but today, having a solid space fleet means having hegemony in the fifth possible war scenario, which is especially relevant if one considers that this space can be a promising new frontier. Complementing this idea, Molina Domínguez highlights that industrialized countries are increasingly dependent on their networks of satellites, drones and space advances. Therefore, the space race is called to occupy a priority place in the agenda of those who seek to guarantee their security and be relevant in the international scenario”.^[3]

Simultaneously, the US, China, Russia, the European Union (EU) and, to a lesser extent, Japan and India, are immersed in ambitious space programs with a double purpose: to secure an influential position on the international scene and develop alternative plans to maintain scientific, technological and economic supremacy, safeguard their national interes and objectives, achieve objectives associated with strengthening their capabilities and reduce their vulnerabilities and dependence on other more developed countries.

In short, space activities are a crucial instrument both for strengthening national defense and security and for projecting and building power, whether for economic, technological or military reasons. Thanks to these activities, States can achieve political, economic and social objectives. However, not all have equal access to cosmic space, as they require significant economic, scientific and advanced technological resources, as well as highly qualified professionals. The possession of these resources and capabilities enables states to position themselves within international hierarchical structures, where they can influence the definition of the rules of the world order.

Regulations and Competition in the Exploration of Outer Space: The Argentinean Case in the International Context

Aerospace geography is understood as the analysis of the global impact of geographic conditions on the state and other international actors.^[4] It follows that both the internal and external policy of a State involves various factors of power in its employment, which have been foreseen within a governmental strategic planning.

It is important to note that the air domain encompasses the land and maritime surfaces of a State’s borders, recognized by international law. On the other hand, outer space lacks state sovereignty, although the aerospace capacity of a country can be determined, which seeks to satisfy national objectives through specific policies that can be used in future scenarios and that contribute to the development of the aeronautical and space industry and infrastructure, national and institutional scientific and technological development, general aviation (commercial, sports, civil, among others), aerospace policy, educational infrastructure and a national aerospace awareness from the highest levels of national leadership”.^[5]

In the case of Argentina, following the provisions of international law, the country enacted a set of regulations, which determined that the National Civil Aviation Administration (ANAC) is responsible for exercising the enforcement authority in the jurisdictional airspace as the appropriate government agency.^[6]

In addition, the National Commission of Aerospace Activities (CONAE) administers national interests and has among its functions to propose policies for the promotion and execution of activities in the space area for peaceful purposes in the productive, scientific and educational fields and for the creation of innovative national technologies throughout the Argentine territory”.^[7] The Argentine Armed Force is in charge of defending the jurisdictional airspace, contributing to the defense of sovereignty and independence, territorial integrity and self-determination foreseen within the National Defense Project. Consequently, ANAC, CONAE and the Air Force constitute the central core of the country’s aerospace activity.

In the specific context of national aerospace policies, the background dates back to 1985 when the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) assigned Argentina the 72° West orbital position.^[8] At that time, the country had to design a satellite plan that would guarantee the use and safeguarding of that position, since not occupying the space and frequency acquired within the time established by the ITU could lead to the loss of the orbital position, allowing its use by other actors. In response, private financing was chosen for this task, and the position was occupied by Nahuelsat, a consortium composed mostly by foreign capital, which put into orbit the Nahuel 1A satellite, manufactured outside the country.^[9]

In 1998, former President Carlos Menem signed a reciprocity agreement with the U.S. proposing to cede the 81°W orbital position to Argentina in exchange for allowing the penetration of DIRECTV’s services in the country, as established by Resolution 2593/1998.^[10] In exchange, the U.S. company would have access to a larger market of Argentine users for its satellite services. This orbital position was strategic, since it allowed coverage of the entire American continent, from the U.S. to Argentina, which represented a significant economic value.

In order to guarantee the service and occupy the orbital position, Nahuelsat offered to build the second geostationary satellite, Nahuel 1B. However, it did not guarantee the orbital occupation, which generated constant pressures from other countries interested in that position. Faced with this situation, the national government had to apply to the ITU for an extension of the assignment of the 81° W orbital position.^[11] Thus, Argentina had three years of grace to place a satellite in that orbit.

In August 2004, by means of Resolution No. 188, the Secretariat of Communications revoked the assignment of the use of the 81° W orbital position to Nahuelsat, citing reasons of illegitimacy, which marked the beginning of the construction of space sovereignty in the hands of the Argentine National State. In 2006, former President Néstor Kirchner created the state-owned telecommunications company ARSAT, establishing a new satellite policy that contemplated “a) the design, development, construction in the country, launching and/or commissioning of geostationary telecommunications satellites in orbital positions resulting or resulting from international coordination procedures before the ITU and the associated frequency bands and b) the corresponding exploitation, use, provision of satellite facilities and/or commercialization of satellite and/or related services”.^[12] In accordance with the established legal framework, ARSAT was expected to collaborate in increasing the country’s telecommunication capabilities and to allow the development and promotion of the Argentine space industry.^[13]

The end of Nahuel 1B’s useful life led ARSAT to transfer users to the AMC-6 satellite of the international company SES (Rey Sumay 2021, citing Convergencia Latina 2007)^[14] and to occupy the 81° orbit by means of leased satellites. To strengthen its satellite capacity, ARSAT signed a contract for the Argentine company INVAP, which specializes in the development of observation satellites, to be the main contractor for the construction of the country’s geostationary satellite platform.^[15]

As a consequence of the public policies implemented, ARSAT highlighted that on October 16, 2014, Argentina positioned its first national geostationary satellite ARSAT-1 in the 72° W orbit. A year later, in September 2015, ARSAT-2 was positioned in the 81° W orbit.^[16]

In addition, the satellites Saocom-1A (active since October 7, 2018) and Saocom-1B (launched from Florida, USA, in August 2020) are added. This system is composed of a network of ground stations distributed from the Arctic to Antarctica, including the Argentine CONAE Space Center in Córdoba and in Tolhuin, Tierra del Fuego, with equipment designed and built in the country. It also has a mission control and image production center located at the Córdoba Space Center.

INVAP specialists explained that the satellites have an innovative microwave radar capable of measuring various terrain features, such as soils, mountains, bodies of water, ice, seas and cities. They also pointed out that this list is not exhaustive, as the potential of such an instrument is not yet fully delimited.^[17] Subsequently, the Argentine Geostationary Satellite Plan 2015-2035 was implemented, formalized by Law No. 27,208 (Argentina.gob.ar; Infoleg 2015). This had as its main objective to optimize the ratio between the power on board and the weight of the satellite, aligning with international standards by means of electric or hybrid propulsion systems. Six satellites were projected to be built to replace ARSAT-1 and ARSAT-2, including a schedule that contemplated the launch of ARSAT-3 in 2019 (Argentina.gob.ar). However, these objectives were not met due to the disinvestment process during the administration of President Mauricio Macri.

This situation is evident in the budget analysis conducted by Dr. Stefani, who pointed out that public investment in science and technology grew steadily between 2009 and 2013, from USD 1.2 billion to USD 2.3 billion. However, between 2014 and 2017, it presented significant fluctuations, with an average close to 2200 million dollars (USD). For 2018, an investment of 1838 million dollars (USD) was projected, a lower figure than in 2012″;^[18] trend that was reversed in the subsequent presidential administration.

During the first months of Alberto Fernández’s presidency, the re-launching of the Argentine Geostationary Satellite Plan was announced, prioritizing the reactivation of the manufacturing and putting into orbit of the third satellite of the series, now called ARSAT SG-1 (second generation). Later on, it was complemented with the launching of the Conectar Plan, whose main objective is to enhance the population’s access to Information and Communication Technology (ICT) services. This includes the extension of the Federal Fiber Optic Network (REFEFO), the modernization of ARSAT’s National Data Center and the strengthening of Open Digital Television. In accordance with the provisions of Law No. 27,208, this project must be reviewed every three years to update its proposals, respond to internal demands and take advantage of external opportunities and challenges.

With the inauguration of President Javier Milei, aerospace policies and those related to scientific and technological development have been subject to review and, in some cases, paralyzed compared to previous stages. This situation should be reconsidered from a strategic perspective for the country, with the aim of strengthening technological and satellite sovereignty, and achieving greater levels of autonomy from multinational companies and central countries. In the long term, this would consolidate the defense of national sovereignty and enhance various civilian activities, such as the provision of information to mitigate the impact of natural disasters, early detection of forest fires, surveillance of illegal fishing and strengthening security, among other areas.

In 2024, under the administration of President Javier Milei, significant budget cuts were implemented in scientific and technological organizations, including the aerospace sector, with a reduction of more than 30%, bringing funding to levels comparable to those of 1976 and 2002.^[19] In addition, numerous contracts of highly qualified professionals were not renewed, generating concern about the continuity of various activities at the national level and the fulfillment of international agreements in force.^[20]

Despite recent challenges, it is crucial to highlight the technical advantages that Argentina has obtained thanks to relatively stable aerospace policies, which underlines the importance of continuing its promotion and development. As pointed out by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in its report Argentine National Space Program: Impact and Projection, the country has made significant progress in promoting scientific research and Earth observation, strengthening telecommunications infrastructure and technological development in strategic sectors such as aeronautics and nuclear energy. Likewise, highly qualified employment has been generated and the network of national and international suppliers and collaborators has expanded, contributing to the strengthening of national technological capacity and the advancement of technological autonomy.

CONAE and Access to Space: Advances in Satellite Missions and Prospects for Autonomy

CONAE develops its own satellite missions according to data and information requirements. Among its main tasks are the design, construction, calibration, integration, testing and launching of satellites into orbit, through third parties or with its own launchers. In addition, in collaboration with other international space agencies, CONAE forms constellations of satellites that operate jointly to improve the quality, quantity and type of information, significantly expanding the capabilities of the whole.

As regards the trajectory of this institution, in cooperation with INVAP and other national and international public and private organizations, the “SAC” series of satellite missions, which includes instruments in the optical range, has been carried out. Among these projects, there are the CONAE-NASA joint cooperation missions, with the participation of other space agencies. The SAC- A (technological mission), SAC-C and SAC-D/Aquarius (Earth observation) satellites fulfilled their objectives, while SAC-B (astrophysics) failed to complete its mission due to failures in the separation of the satellite after its launch. These joint CONAE-NASA cooperation projects included instrument contributions to the payload from the U.S. National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), the Italian Space Agency (ASI), the French National Center for Space Studies (CNES), the Danish Space Agency (DSA) and the Canadian Space Agency (CSA).^[21]

Recently, the SAOCOM series has attracted attention due to its capacity to integrate Argentine observation satellites with radar, which provide essential information for the prevention, monitoring, mitigation and evaluation of both natural and anthropogenic disasters, as well as for the generation of data on soil moisture.^[22] These satellites bring substantial benefits to national productive activity, among other sectors. In addition, SAOCOM satellites operate jointly with four Italian COSMO-SkyMed satellites as part of the Italian-Argentine Satellite System for Emergency Management (SIASGE), developed by CONAE and ASI, in order to support emergency management and foster economic development.

Likewise, within the satellite program of the National Space Plan, the SABIA-Mar mission is under development, mainly dedicated to the study of marine productivity, coasts and estuaries, whose satellite will have Argentine instruments in the optical and thermal range.^[23] In turn, according to the report presented by the Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation of the Argentine Republic in 2023, one of the main objectives established by CONAE within the framework of the National Space Plan is the development of launch vehicles that facilitate the placement in orbit of Earth observation satellites from Argentine territory, a project on which work is being actively carried out.^[24]

In this sense, CONAE is carrying out the Light Payload Satellite Injector Project (ISCUL), whose objective is the development of a family of launch vehicles, the Tronador II and Tronador III, capable of placing satellites weighing between 500 and 750 kg into polar orbit at an altitude of 600 km. This includes the development of the necessary infrastructure, such as propulsion test facilities, manufacturing and integration of the launch vehicles and launch bases.

In summary, Argentina has been developing specific aerospace policies in which national companies and institutions have played a crucial role in the acquisition and development of capabilities. Although these policies are still incipient, if they continue to receive the support and promotion of the State, the country could achieve, in the medium term, a relative autonomy and sovereignty in the aerospace field, which would allow it to obtain great advantages in the civil and economic sectors.

International Alliances in the Space Sector: Synergies and Tensions between Strategic Cooperation and Competition

Among the great advantages generated by space programs are contributing to the development of physical and non-physical infrastructure, such as technology and knowledge developed within the framework of the programs, developing educational programs in universities, incentivizing and creating new standards for the industry, establishing new alliances or consortia resulting from space programs, organizational infrastructure and human capital.^[25]

To carry out these activities, a considerable amount of resources and knowledge is required which, in the case of medium-sized and peripheral countries such as Argentina, may not be fully available or, due to the high public expenditure involved, government priorities tend to be different. Given this scenario, especially in the initial stages of the development of policies related to the space economy, a viable strategy for the State is to promote cooperation agreements with leading countries and companies in these sectors. This collaboration makes it possible to take advantage of advances in research, development and innovation, facilitate technology transfers and train human resources, among other essential objectives, in order to advance towards a solid aerospace policy and capitalize on its benefits. In this context, central nations such as China, Russia, the United States, Japan and Italy, as well as agencies such as NASA or the European Space Agency, maintain a significant investment in their aerospace programs, positioning themselves as leaders in this field.

It is important to note that not all international actors share similar interests, values and objectives. In the current global scenario, there is a strategic competition between nations such as the US and China for access to and control of areas of global relevance, including outer space. Both countries seek to maintain their scientific and technological supremacy for both civilian and military purposes. China, for example, has demonstrated its space ambition with missions such as Tianwen-3, which aims to collect samples from Mars and bring them back to Earth. In addition, it has developed high-tech weaponry that poses a considerable risk to U.S. strategic assets.

The aforementioned particularities must be integrated into Argentina’s strategic options, beyond its traditional commitment to multilateralism and peaceful cooperation in international relations. The type of decisions to be made on who to partner with, and the characteristics of those agreements, should be part of a national strategic planning. This must not only identify opportunities, areas for improvement and potential national vulnerabilities; it must also be sustainable over time and transcend different presidential administrations, if the ultimate goal is to achieve true technological sovereignty.

Aerospace Agreements with the U.S. and China: Strategic Implications for Argentina

Transferring this strategic option to the Argentine reality, the South American country has entered into diplomatic cooperation agreements with both the U.S. and China, regardless of the strategic competition between both aerospace powers in their race to achieve civil and military supremacy in this field. The agreements signed are presented below:

1. United States

In the framework of the peaceful use of outer space, the Argentine and U.S. governments signed a framework agreement for cooperation in the aerospace field on October 25, 2011, which entered into force in Argentina on July 30, 2013.^[26]

The agreement is based on the Agreement on Cooperation in the Civilian Uses of Space, signed in Buenos Aires on August 6, 1991 and finalized in 2006. The subsequent agreement aims to promote cooperation in human spaceflight, space science exploration, the use of space for Earth science research and the study of global change, as well as the re-establishment of a general legal framework.^[27]

CONAE and NASA assumed responsibility for executing the planned activities, which include: “the research, design, development, evaluation, manufacture, assembly, integration, operation or use of launch or transfer vehicles, payloads, instruments and other related support services, facilities and equipment; and all activities related to support equipment, evaluation, training, simulation or ground guidance and control of related facilities or services”.^[28]

In addition, the following areas of common interest were defined: Earth observation, monitoring and science; space science; and space exploration and operations systems. Accordingly, such programs may be implemented through the use of aircraft and space research platforms; scientific instruments installed on board such platforms; space operations missions; scientific balloon and sounding rocket flight campaigns; aircraft campaigns and flights; space communications – including ground-based antennas for tracking, telemetry and data acquisition; ground-based research facilities; exchanges of personnel and scientific data; participation in joint meetings and workshops; ground and space applications; education and public outreach activities; and such other mechanisms as both parties may decide to incorporate.^[29]

Likewise, the parties mutually agreed to waive any claims related to activities performed under the International Space Station (ISS) Agreement, among other aspects. This agreement is valid for ten years from its approval. Thanks to this agreement, in 2018, the launch of the Argentine satellite SAOCOM 1A from Vandenberg Air Force Base in California was facilitated. Subsequently, in 2020, NASA supported the launch of the SAOCOM 1B satellite from Cape Canaveral, Florida.

Another relevant precedent occurred in December 2017, when NASA, which was in southern Argentina collecting data for Operation Ice Bridge, coincided with the disappearance of the Argentine submarine ARA San Juan. In that context, the U.S. institution redirected its P-3B Orion research aircraft to the search and rescue mission for the submarine. At the same time, during the same year, NASA partnered with CONAE to organize the first regional seminar on disaster risk reduction, which brought together Earth observation scientists, emergency responders, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and government representatives to address problems and identify solutions.

Similarly, Argentina was considered at that time as an active partner in NASA’s Global Learning and Observations for the Benefit of the Environment (GLOBE) Program, a global initiative that brings together students, teachers, scientists and citizens to promote science and knowledge about the environment.^[30]

On February 15, 2013, a diplomatic agreement was also signed regarding the use of data from U.S. land-removal detection satellites, which entered into force on the same day. The institutions involved were the U.S. Department of the Interior’s Geological Survey (USGS) and CONAE. The agreement established that the USGS would provide land remote sensing satellite data obtained from Landsat satellite missions, while CONAE would receive, process, archive, distribute and exchange such data in cooperation with the U.S. institution. It was further stipulated that the USGS would retain ownership of all raw ground remote sensing data acquired by its satellites.

In summary, the agreement deepens the civilian use of the aerospace field and the use of satellite information obtained by the U.S. from South American territory, while CONAE is in charge of the processing of such data, despite the fact that the intellectual property belongs to the USGS. In addition, it is established that the programs and data must be available to the US partner in case its government or its allies require them. This agreement raises many questions that go beyond the peaceful purpose agreed upon, such as: are sovereign spaces being violated through the use of new technologies to obtain information by a US agency? Could this data be used for intelligence and military operations? Does this situation represent a new form of control over traditional geopolitical spaces, such as the continental and maritime areas? Such concerns are equally pertinent to the Chinese activities described below.

1. The Sino-Argentine Alliance in Aerospace Matters

In the aerospace field, a cooperation agreement was signed in response to China’s current and future needs, as well as to the reference to pre-existing agreements that frame new strategic actions in the Argentine space. Among such provisions, the following stand out:^[31]

• The Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies, concluded on January 27, 1967, in which Argentina and China participate.
• The Agreement on Scientific and Technical Cooperation between the Government of China and the Government of Argentina, signed on June 7, 1980.
• The Framework Agreement on Technical Cooperation for the Peaceful Use of Outer Space, signed on November 16, 2004, between CONAE and the China National Space Agency (CNSA) of the People’s Republic of China (PRC).

This set of agreements culminated in the signing of a cooperation agreement for the construction, establishment and operation of a Chinese far space station in the province of Neuquén, within the framework of the Chinese lunar exploration program developed in 2014 and effectively executed the following year. In other words, the then President Cristina Fernandez signed an agreement with the Chinese government, headed by Xi Jinping, through which the installation of a space base in the Argentine Patagonia was consented. This base operates in a 200-hectare site in the town of Bajada del Agrio (Neuquén), becoming the first Chinese aerospace base to operate outside its sovereign territory.

The framework agreement on this matter, signed on February 4, 2015, explicitly states:

“Taking into consideration that the parties highlight the collaboration to carry out the installation of a ground station for monitoring, command and data acquisition in the province of Neuquén, Argentina, for Chinese interplanetary exploration missions within the framework of the Chinese Moon Exploration Program.” (Framework Agreement for Cooperation in the field of space activities between the government of the Republic of Argentina and the government of the PRC 2015,1)

The international treaty defines, in effect, the specific function of the collaboration, oriented towards Chinese lunar exploration missions. Article II identifies the following strategic areas:

“Cooperation in space science and deep space exploration projects of mutual interest; joint development of space vehicles and instruments for space use; ground infrastructure for space vehicle research and development; construction and operation of ground stations for receiving, tracking, telemetry and control of space vehicles; launch, tracking and control services for satellites, as well as management and development of in-orbit tasks; cooperation in telecommunications, navigation and remote sensing satellite applications; among others.” (Framework Agreement 2015, 2).

The agreement has a duration of ten years, with automatic renewal for an additional decade. Several specialists and politicians, both national and international, have expressed criticism against the establishment of the aerospace base in Argentine territory, arguing, among other aspects, that China’s space program is led by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and that the Patagonian station is managed by China’s General Satellite Tracking and Launching Control (CLTC), an agency under the Strategic Support Force of the PLA.^[32]

In January 2022, during the presidency of Alberto Fernández, thirteen reserved agreements were signed between the Argentine government and its Chinese counterpart, with the commitment that the Asian country would make investments for US$ 23 billion.^[33] One of these agreements focused on the Chinese geolocation system BeiDou. According to the White Paper issued by China, this system has achieved an accuracy of three to five meters, standing out for its hybrid constellation, inter-satellite links and advanced signal structures. In addition, it is compatible with other satellite navigation systems and offers diversified services such as positioning, navigation, synchronization and global search and rescue operations.

In diplomatic matters, it was agreed to build a tracking station for the BeiDou global navigation satellite system at the Centro Espacial Teófilo Tabanera (CETT), in the province of Córdoba. Argentina will provide the infrastructure and services necessary for the operation and maintenance of the station, while China will provide remote sensing satellite images.^[34] With this agreement, which is in addition to the existing ones, it was established that CONAE and the China National Space Administration (CNSA) will be responsible, and it is expected that research in the space and maritime fields will be promoted, taking advantage of the capacity to collect and process information from the new system.

Likewise, the agreement contemplates an axis oriented to geospatial information obtained through the satellite system, foreseeing “cooperation in different fields, such as high resolution remote sensing data processing, joint calibration and verification of products; generation and updating of geospatial information products and exchange of ocean satellite data”.

The analysis of the role of the Chinese geolocation satellite system reveals that the strategic location of the province of Cordoba allows access to information covering the South Atlantic spectrum; moreover, several international analysts consider that this scientific and technological development competes with the traditional U.S. GPS system.

Considering the above, in 2015 the PRC officially designated the aerospace field as a new domain of warfare, expecting it to play a relevant role in future conflicts by enabling greater precision and granting advantages in the almost exclusive use of command, control, communications systems, computers, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (C4ISR). Its American counterpart adopted a similar position and, in its defense policy published in 2021, expressed concern about the advance of the Asian giant in this sector, identifying countries that are allied and functional to Chinese interests:

“The Space System Department (SSF) operates at least eight bases, including those whose core missions are launching, tracking, I+ D and operating satellites vital to China’s C4ISR air architecture. The SSF operates tracking, telemetry and command stations in Namibia, Pakistan and Argentina. In addition, it operates Yuan Wang space support ships, which track ships capable of launching satellites and intercontinental ballistic missiles”.

(Office of the U.S. Secretary of Defense 2021, 65-66).^[35]

U.S. Perspective on China’s Space Advance in Argentina: Militarization Risks and Security Challenges

From the beginning, critics of the Chinese aerospace project warned about the possible vulnerabilities that the installation of the aerospace base could generate for Argentina’s national defense. According to the former Foreign Minister of former President Mauricio Macri, Susana Malcorra, the Argentine State does not exercise supervision over the operations of the station.

In 2016, the aforementioned official promoted the revision of the China space station agreement to incorporate a stipulation that its purpose would be limited to civilian use in the field of science and technology, and that the information derived from its research could not be used for military purposes (Art. 2).^[36] This new document was intended to restrict the actions of the Asian country, which would try to report its activities to its Argentine counterpart at the station, without establishing verification mechanisms to ensure strict compliance with the agreement.

The U.S. expressed concern that the Chinese strategy amounted to a form of militarization of space. One U.S. official noted that there were reasons to doubt Beijing’s insistence that the base is intended exclusively for scientific exploration. Likewise, Tony Beasley, director of the U.S. National Radio Astronomy Observatory, indicated that the station could, in theory, “listen in” on other governments’ satellites and collect sensitive data.^[37]

On the other hand, some experts in radio astronomy have argued that the Chinese have the ability to disguise illicit data in these transmissions or to incorporate encrypted channels in the frequencies agreed with Argentina, especially considering that most of the personnel working and residing at the site are of Chinese nationality and are in charge of its operation.^[38]

Argentine government officials have defended the Chinese base by arguing that the agreement is no different from that signed with the European Space Agency (ESA), which built a similar facility in a neighboring province. In both cases, tax-exempt leases were established for fifty years, and Argentine scientists have 10% of the airtime at the two stations, as agreed.

It should be noted that Argentina agreed with China that its space base would allow the national agency to “install, maintain and operate data processing equipment”, exclusively in charge of the South American country, as long as this is done “on a non-interference basis with the support activities of the CLTC”. For their part, the Chinese military technicians will provide this benefit “by means of a written request sent at least three months in advance”.^[39] These precautions, of Eastern origin, are imposed in a context where long-term state policies are not a consolidated practice.

The U.S. newspaper The New York Times (2018) quoted several defense experts who warned about the possibility that the so-called “China Base” is being used to collect information through technological satellite espionage, disguised behind a facade that, far from being fictitious, reflects the Eastern power’s advance towards the Moon.

In recent times, General Laura Richardson, current head of the Southern Command, reintroduced this debate in the US political agenda and in the bilateral relationship with Argentina, expressing her concern about both the base and the agreement signed for the establishment of a section of the Chinese geolocation system called BeiDou, which can be used for both civilian and military purposes.

Conclusions

Throughout this paper it has been shown that outer space has acquired an increasing relevance in the strategic planning of the central powers, which have adopted measures to ensure an eventual scientific and technological supremacy over other strategic actors, both state and non-state. The Argentine case, a medium-sized and peripheral country, started at the beginning of the 21st century the implementation of incipient policies in the aerospace field, aimed at promoting and developing national activities and institutions for the acquisition of specific skills, capabilities and knowledge. These initiatives have generated important advantages, such as the consolidation of a robust physical infrastructure, the training of highly qualified human resources and the promotion of high-level research and innovation, with far-reaching positive effects on various productive and social sectors. If this line of action is maintained and strengthened, Argentina is likely to achieve a consolidated technological sovereignty and a higher level of international autonomy in satellite and telecommunications matters in the medium and long term.

The country has also signed bilateral cooperation agreements with the US and China, aimed at transferring technology and knowledge, sharing high-cost investments and strengthening ties with national and international organizations and institutions, among other important purposes. However, the advantage for China of establishing an aerospace plant and a geolocation system in Argentine territory has generated tensions with the U.S. -currently governed by Donald Trump-, who has considered Chinese actions as a threat to Argentine, Latin American and global security. In short, Argentina must clearly define its national interests and objectives in order to identify, consolidate and improve its international relations, safeguarding its sovereignty, defense and security, and ensuring that it takes advantage of the opportunities offered by the space economy.

Endnotes

1. Josep Baqués and José Luis Calvo, “El poder militar terrestre, naval, aéreo y en el espacio,” in Manual de Estudios Estratégicos y de Seguridad Internacional, coordinated by Javier Jesús Jordán (Madrid: Plaza y Valdés Editores, 2013). ↑
2. Fatima Molina Dominguez, “Spatial Geopolitics and Resource Seeking,” IEEE Opinion Paper 18/2021, 2021, http://www.ieee.es/Galerias/fichero/docs_opinion/2021/DIEEEO18_2021_FATMOL_Geopolitica. ↑
3. Ibid. ↑
4. Guadalupe Rey Sumay, “Argentine spatial sovereignty: challenges and opportunities for Latin America,” Latin American Journal of Digital Economy and Society, August 2, 2021, https://revistalatam.digital/article/210212. ↑
5. Ibid. ↑
6. Argentina.gob.ar, “Información general”, Administración Nacional de Aviación Civil (ANAC), n.d., https://www.argentina.gob.ar/anac/aviacion-general/informacion-general-av-grl. ↑
7. Argentina.gob.ar, “Comisión Nacional de Actividades Espaciales”, https://www.argentina.gob.ar/ciencia/conae. ↑
8. Secretariat of Communications of the Argentine Republic, Resolution 2593/98, 1998, https://www.argentina.gob.ar/normativa/nacional/resoluci%C3%B3n-2593-1998-54656/texto ↑
9. Guadalupe Rey Sumay, “Argentine spatial sovereignty: challenges and opportunities for Latin America,” Latin American Journal of Digital Economy and Society, August 2, 2021, https://revistalatam.digital/article/210212. ↑
10. Secretariat of Communications of the Argentine Republic, Resolution 2593/98, 1998, https://www.argentina.gob.ar/normativa/nacional/resoluci%C3%B3n-2593-1998-54656/texto ↑
11. Diego Hurtado and Loizou, “Deregulation of strategic sectors in semi-peripheral context: satellite communications in Argentina, 1991-2006”, Revista América Latina, Historia Económica 26 (2017). ↑
12. Ministry of Justice of the Argentine Republic. n.d. Law 26.092: Empresa Argentina de Soluciones Satelitales. http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/115000- 119999/115886/norma.htm. ↑
13. The company currently has the Federal Fiber Optic Network (with an extension of 31,529 km of illuminated fiber), the management of the National Data Center and the Open Digital Television platform. ↑
14. Ibid. ↑
15. Maximiliano Márquez, ARSAT: La iniciativa estatal para el desarrollo de tecnología de avanzada, 2017, https://www.austral.edu.ar/escueladegobierno/casoteca/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/5.ARSAT-La-iniciativa-estatal-para-el-desarrollo-de-tecnologia-avanzada.pdf. ↑
16. ARSAT. n.d. “ARSAT-1 turns 7 years old in defense of satellite sovereignty.” https://www.arsat.com.ar/arsat-1-cumple-7-anos-en-defensa-soberania-satelital/ ↑
17. Josefina Peres and Jorge Medina, Presence in the cosmos: Saocom 1A, the before and after of the Space Plan (INVAP, 2018), http://saocom.invap.com.ar/presencia-en- el-cosmos-saocom-1a-el-antes-y-el-despues-del-plan-espacial/. ↑
18. Fernando Stefani, “Evolución del presupuesto del Ministerio de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación Productiva (MINCYT), y de la función Ciencia y Técnica del presupuesto nacional” (2017), https://cibion.conicet.gov.ar/wp-content/uploads/sites/22/2017/10/Evolucion-de-presupuesto-MINCYT-y-f-CyT.pdf. ↑
19. Ludmila Di Grande, “El ajuste de Milei disfruta de un apoyo con límites: 3 de cada 4 argentinos rechaza los recortes en ciencia y tecnología, educación, salud y cultura,” Diario Infobae, September 11, 2024, https://www.infobae.com/economia/2024/09/11/el-ajuste-de-milei-goza-de-un-apoyo-con-limites-3-de-cada-4-argentinos-rechaza-los-recortes-en-ciencia-y-tecnologia-educacion-salud-y-cultura/. ↑
20. Andy Ferreyra, “Alerta y angustia en CONAE por la no renovación de contratos: ‘No somos casta’,” Diario Perfil, March 24, 2024, https://www.perfil.com/noticias/amp/cordoba/alerta-y-angustia-en-conae-por-la-no-renovacion-de-contratos.phtml. ↑
21. Argentina.gob.ar, “Misiones Satelitales”, Comisión Nacional de Actividades Espaciales (CONAE), n.d., https://www.argentina.gob.ar/ciencia/conae/misiones-espaciales. ↑
22. Cecilia Farré, “Argentina will launch a satellite in June to prevent catastrophes,” Perfil newspaper, September 17, 2017, https://www.perfil.com/noticias/ciencia/argentina-lanzara-en-junio-un-satelite-para-prevenir-catastrofes.phtml. ↑
23. Argentina.gob.ar, “Satellite Missions,” Comisión Nacional de Actividades Espaciales (CONAE), n.d., https://www.argentina.gob.ar/ciencia/conae/misiones-espaciales. ↑
24. Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation of the Argentine Republic, National Commission on Space Activities, “Access to Space,” 2023, https://www.argentina.gob.ar/ciencia/conae/acceso-al-espacio. ↑
25. Paulo Pascuani, Roberto Battiston, and Andrés López, El programa espacial nacional argentino: resultados, impactos, perspectivas: agenda a futuro (UNESCO Office Montevideo and Regional Bureau for Science in Latin America and the Caribbean, 2024), https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000391549.locale=en. ↑
26. Argentine Republic, Law 26,864, enacted July 3, 2013, http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/215000-219999/216984/norma.htm. ↑
27. Ibid. ↑
28. Ibid., 4. ↑
29. Ibid., 5. ↑
30. U.S. Department of State, Biden-Harris Administration National Security Strategy, 2022, https://www.state.gov/translations/spanish/ficha-informativa-estrategia-de-%E2%81%A0seguridad-nacional-del-gobierno-biden-harris/. ↑
31. Argentine Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2015. Framework Agreement for Cooperation in the Field of Space Activities between the Government of the Argentine Republic and the Government of the People’s Republic of China. Digital Library of Treaties. Available at https://tratados.cancilleria.gob.ar/. ↑
32. María Ana Leal, Conflictos políticos, poder y comunicación (Mendoza, Argentina: EdiUC, 2019) ↑
33. Infobae, “Inversiones chinas por USD 23.000 millones y el ingreso de Argentina a la Ruta de la Seda: detalles del acuerdo firmado entre Alberto Fernández y Xi Jinping”, Infobae, February 6, 2022, https://www.infobae.com/politica/2022/02/06/los-5-puntos-claves-de-la-declaracion-conjunta-firmada-por-alberto-fernandez-y-xi-jinping-en-beijing. ↑
34. Camila Dolabjian, “Inversiones: los detalles de los 13 documentos reservados que el Gobierno firmó con China”, La Nación, February 7, 2022, https://www.lanacion.com.ar/economia/inversiones-los-detalles-de-los-13-documentos-reservados-que-el-gobierno-firmo-con-china-nid07022022/. ↑
35. Office of the Secretary of Defense of the United States, Document Title (own translation), 2021. ↑
36. Argentine Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2020. Additional Protocol to the “Cooperation Agreement between the Government of the Argentine Republic and the Government of the People’s Republic of China on the Construction, Establishment and Operation of a Chinese Far Space Station in the Province of Neuquén, Argentina, within the framework of the Chinese Moon Exploration Program”, subscribed on April 23, 2014. Signed in Hangzhou, September 4, 2016; entered into force as of November 15, 2018. ↑
37. Ibid. ↑
38. Ibid. ↑
39. Argentine Foreign Ministry, Framework Agreement for Cooperation in the Field of Space Activities between the Government of the Argentine Republic and the Government of the People’s Republic of China, 2015, Digital Library of Treaties, available at https://tratados.cancilleria.gob.ar/. ↑